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  • 1 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 2 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 3 olbodà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbodà

  • 4 elbedà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedà

  • 5 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 6 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 7 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 8 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 9 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 10 jùgъ

    jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193
    Old Church Slavic:
    jugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Russian:
    jug `South, south wind' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Czech:
    jih `South' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    juh `south wind' [m o]
    Slovak:
    juh `South' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȕg `south wind' [m o];
    jȕgo `south wind' [n o];
    Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]
    Slovene:
    jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jug `South' [m o]
    Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jùgъ

  • 11 drǫgъ

    drǫ́gъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 129-130
    Old Church Slavic:
    drǫgy (Euch.) `sticks' [Inspm o]
    Czech:
    drouh (obs., dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drúh (dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Polish:
    drąg `bar' [m o], drąga [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́ųg `bar, pole' [m o], drȯ́ųga [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȗg `rail' [m o]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drongos
    Lithuanian:
    drañgas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o];
    dránga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ā]
    Comments: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct * dʰrongʰ-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. drangr `detached pillar of rock'
    ;
    OIc. drengr `heavy stick, pillar'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drǫgъ

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